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How to Improve Anglo- 
German Relations 



By Professor Hans Delbriick 

Professor of History in the University of Berlin, 
Editor of " Die Preiissische Jahrbucher " 



NEW YORK 

E P DUTTON &> COMPANY 
31 West Twenty-Third Street 



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Copyright 19 12, 

BY 

E. P. DUTTON & COMPANY 



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HOW TO IMPROVE ANGLO-GERMAN 
RELATIONS. 

By Professor HANS DELBRUCK. 

Professor of History in the University of Berlin, 
Editor of "Die Preiissische Jahrbucher." 

The majority of Germans believe that the strained re- 
lations with Britain are due to British jealousy of the 
enormous increase of German industry and German 
trade. This increase is, in point of fact, so consider- 
able that in certain branches British production has 
already been surpassed by German. If Britain were 
actually planning to attack and defeat Germany on this 
account, with the idea of gaining for herself the present 
German export trade with all its advantages, then all 
hope of bettering the present state of affairs would be 
destroyed. For it is certain that the progress of German 
economic life will not be arrested, but that it will, on 
the contrary, develop more and more. Britain's jeal- 
ousy would therefore have to go on increasing, until 
finally the catastrophe was brought about. 

But the entire supposition is a false one. In Germany 
the circle is ever widening of those who recognise that 
British competitive jealousy, if it exists at all, is far 
outweighed by the friendship which every merchant has 
for his customer. Germany is one of the largest con- 
sumers of British goods, and the richer Germany grows, 



the better customer does she become to Britain. It is 
certain that a war between the two nations will never arise 
from purely economic reasons. 

Exactly the same may be said with regard to the fear 
of many British people that Germany is preparing an 
attack on Britain, to make a great raid for the sake of 
plunder, to impose a huge war indemnity, or to force 
Britain to cede certain of her colonies. Even assuming 
that such a plan were in keeping with the German na- 
tional character, that it were practicable, and that it 
were to succeed, there is nothing more certain than that 
Germany would have no benefit from her gains, but 
would have to pay dearly for them. For a victory over 
Britain would give Germany the supremacy in Europe. 
Europe, however, has never yet submitted to such 
supremacy, and would unite to punish and suppress 
Germany, just as she did with Louis XIV. and 
Napoleon I. 

Neither Britain nor Germany intends war against the 
other. The real reason of the strain is that, to protect 
her growing trade in the first instance, and later to safe- 
guard her interests in world-politics, Germany has built 
a powerful fleet, and Britain feels that this fleet is a 
check and a menace to her. The German fleet is not 
large enough to be able ever to weaken Britain's naval 
power, but it is large enough to cause her serious trouble 
if her intention were taken up with fighting in any other 
part of the world. I do not, indeed, wonder that the 
British nation should dislike this, but the British nation 
in its turn should understand that Germany cannot help 
herself. The German Empire has practically no col- 
onies. It is true that, in spite of its sixty-five million 
inhabitants, it has no surplus population, scarcely any 
emigration (about 25,000 yearly), and, on the other 



hand, a very large immigration. Yet it requires col- 
onies, because it has a very large surplus among its 
upper classes. The excellent educational institutions 
of Germany are well known: primary and secondary 
schools, technical colleges and universities. Thousands 
of foreigners — Russians, Americans, Asiatics — come to 
study in Germany ( this year there are as many as 5,400) , 
and the more intelligent among the lower classes of the 
nation are continually rising to swell the ranks of the 
university-educated. Almost thirty per cent, of the 
students of Berlin University are drawn from the lower 
classes. In the last three years the population of Ger- 
many has increased four per cent., while the number 
of students increases four per cent, every year, and it has 
been calculated that even at the present day Germany 
has already 10,000 students too many. With these 
splendidly trained young men Germany would be in 
a position to govern and to civilise many millions of 
people of inferior race or of less advanced civilisation, as 
the British are doing in India, Egypt, South Africa, and 
the Soudan. But ever since Germany has begun to 
make active efforts to obtain possessions of this kind it 
has been our experience that England again and again 
comes in our way, and is endeavouring, as far as she 
can, to make the whole world British. Even at this 
moment England would appear to be working to bring 
part of Persia and Tibet under her dominion, and further 
divisions or redistributions are always in prospect. In 
order that they may not fare badly on such occasions in 
the future, the Germans have been obliged to build their 
great fleet. This step cannot be retraced. The question 
now is, what can be done, in spite of the existence of the 
German fleet, to better the relations between Britain and 
Germany? Mr. Asquith said recently that the territory 



and dominion of England were sufficiently great, and 
she could not desire to go on increasing her responsibili- 
ties. The truth of this statement is obvious. Already 
400 millions, i.e., one-quarter of the whole human 
race, are under British rule. But the course of events 
is often stronger than human wishes; and it may be 
that, not because she desires it, but because she cannot 
help herself, England will bring still further territories 
under the protection of her flag. But in that case 
she should remember that the Germans too are a great 
nation, who have their own claims, and are entitled 
to have them. The relations between the two countries 
would at once become less strained if we in Germany 
could feel assured that Britain was no longer oppos- 
ing our expansion, but, on the contrary, was further- 
ing it in a spirit of friendship, free of competitive jeal- 
ousy; in other words, that in any future extension 
of dominion on the part of England or any other great 
Power, Germany should not be denied her share. As 
soon as the Germans see that this principle is recognised 
in England, the insistence of public opinion that the 
fleet continue to be further strengthened will relax — an 
insistence which has been assuming most passionate 
form since the interference of England in the Franco- 
German Morocco compromise. And when Germany 
begins to experience not only the glory which a large 
colonial empire brings with it, but also the burdens 
which it entails, she will of her own accord in so far set 
bounds to her ambition that England will have no fur- 
ther cause for anxiety. 



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